September 18, 2006

 

Dear Professor Callahan,

 

You asked for some examples of outright lies that Norman Finkelstein has

told or written.

 

I would like to point out from the outset that the ugly and false

assertions that I will discuss below are not incidental to Finkelstein's

purported scholarship; they are his purported scholarship.  Finklestein's

entire literary catalogue is one preposterous and discredited ad hominem

attack after another.  By his own admission, he has conducted no original

research, has never been published in a reputable, scientific journal, and

has made no contributions to our collective historical knowledge.  He is a

defamer of individuals -- selected for their ideology -- and a spreader of

false quotations, assertions, and propaganda.  There is nothing scholarly

about his writings.  Although he claims to be a "forensic scholar," he

limits his defamations to one ideological group and never applies his

so-called "forensic" tools to his own work or to those who share his

ideological perspective.  One does not deserve the title of "forensic

scholar" unless he is prepared to apply that science equally across the

board.  Finkelstein merely uses forensic tools available to any first-year

college student to defame his ideological enemies.  That is not forensic

scholarship; it is propaganda.  And he uses the imprimatur of whatever

university affiliation he currently enjoys in order to try to bestow a

seemingly-academic pedigree on his demonstrable lies.  Unlike some other

academics, who try to distinguish their scholarly work from their

polemical writing, Finkelstein always uses his academic title, even in his

most extreme polemical writing, such as the one accompanying the cartoon,

attached and discussed below.  Clearly he is trying to use the fine

reputation of DePaul University to lend credibility to his otherwise

discredited work.

 

Of course I am not in a position to refute much of what Finkelstein has

said (for example, about Holocaust reparations, or about what is found in

German archives).  That work has been comprehensively done by others, such

as Peter Novick, whose book The Holocaust in American Life Finkelstein has

characterized as “the initial stimulus for [his] book."  Novick has

assessed Finkelstein's "scholarship" in the following terms:  “As concerns

particular assertions made by Finkelstein concerning reparations and

restitution, and on other matters as well, the appropriate response is not

(exhilarating) 'debate' but (tedious) examination of his footnotes. Such

an examination reveals that many of those assertions are pure invention.

[…] No facts alleged by Finkelstein should be assumed to be really facts,

no quotation in his book should be assumed to be accurate, without taking

the time to carefully compare his claims with the sources he cites.)”   I

suggest that you solicit a detailed letter from Professor Novick, or

request that he appear in person before the appropriate faculty groups.

(Novick's article is enclosed.)  Another distinguished scholar, Omer

Bartov of Brown University, characterized The Holocaust Industry as

“irrational and insidious,” a “conspiracy theory,” “verg[ing] on

paranoia,” full of “dubious rhetoric and faulty logic,” “indifference to

historical facts,” and “sensational ‘revelations’ and outrageous accusations.”

 

Most of the writing I have done concerning Finkelstein has been aimed at

exposing his hateful remarks about "American Jewish elites" ("all

opinion-leaders, from the left to the right, are Jews"), the Middle East

("My chief regret is that I wasn't more forceful in defending Hezbollah

..."); his conspiracy theories (Schindler's List was filmed in order to

advance the interests of American Jews and Israel); and, of course, his

slanders against me.  Because of my support of Israel, he has compared me

to “Adolf Eichman [sic],” accused me of expressing “Nazi moral judgments”

and calling me a “raving maniac,” “hoodlum,” and “one of the world’s great

charlatans and frauds.”  He even accused me of “constitutionally incapable

of saying anything that is true.  I think that if a true word actually

came out of [Dershowitz], he would probably implode.”  In his most recent

article about me ("Should Alan Dershowitz Target Himself for

Assassination"), Finkelstein collaborated with a cartoonist he regularly

features on his website.  The cartoon portrayed me as masturbating in

rapturous joy while viewing images of dead Lebanese civilians on a TV set

labeled "Israel peep show," with a Jewish Star of David prominently

featured.  It can be seen here: http://www.indybay.org/newsitems/2006/08/10/18296109.php.

The cartoon aptly represents the content of Finkelstein's piece, which

accuses me of being a "moral pervert" who "missed the climatic scene of

his little peep show."  This is simply disgusting, more suitable for a

writer for Hustler than for an assistant professor writing under the

imprimatur of a major research university.  Finkelstein also claims quite

absurdly that I "sanction mass murder" and "the extermination of the

Lebanese people."  And he calls me a Nazi not once, but twice, first

saying that I subscribe to "Nazi ideology" and then comparing me to Nazi

propagandist Julius Streicher, who was prosecuted at Nuremberg by my

mentor Telford Taylor.  This is consistent with his oft-maid claim, found

on page 176 of Beyond Chutzpah, that "It is hard to make out any

difference between the policy Dershowitz advocates and the Nazi

destruction of Lidice, for which he expresses abhorrence-except that Jews,

not Germans, would be implementing it."  The trouble is that the policy

and passage Finkelstein quotes actually says, "[Israel] would then

publicly declare precisely how it will respond in the event of another

terrorist act, such as by destroying empty houses in a particular village

that has been used as a base for terrorists, and naming that village in

advance."  In Finkelstein's world, "destroying empty houses" in order to

deter terrorism is the equivalent of genocide.

 

Here, though, are a few of some of the lies that I am absolutely confident

the Finkelstein told.*

 

1. Burt Neuborne

 

Finkelstein actually tried to get Burt Neuborne, a professor of law at NYU

and one of the country's top civil liberties and Supreme Court advocates,

disbarred.  The supposed grounds for disbarment were Neuborne's role in

the Holocaust reparations cases against Swiss banks.  He claims that

Neuborne lied and blackmailed Swiss banks in the process of securing a

$1.25 billion settlement for survivors.  His evidence was the "fact" that

the Volcker report, an investigation into European banks' theft from

survivors, found that “no evidence of systematic destruction of account

records for the purpose of concealing past behavior has been found.”

 

Neuborne's answered this false charge in a letter-to-the-editor of The

Nation, dated December 25, 2006:

 

(New York City) Norman Finkelstein calls my work on the Swiss bank

Holocaust case an exercise in blackmail. But the $1.25 billion Swiss bank

settlement on behalf of Holocaust victims cannot possibly be

characterized as blackmail unless that term is distorted to include any

payment made by a defendant who is afraid to go to trial. Did the lawyers

put pressure on the Swiss banks? You bet we did. We threatened them with

justice.

 

Finkelstein's principal claim is that I misstated the documentary record

when I charged that Swiss banks systematically destroyed records of

Holocaust deposits. Let's look at the document Finkelstein cites-the

report of the Volcker committee, which conducted an intensive audit of

the banks. The Volcker report finds that records for 2.8 million accounts

opened during the Holocaust era had been completely destroyed by the

Swiss banks (Volcker report, para. 20). The Volcker report calls the

destruction of those records an "unfillable gap." Moreover, the Volcker

report finds that almost all of the transaction records for the remaining

4.1 million accounts were also destroyed, leaving a record of an

account's opening and closing, but no information about the account's

size, or whether it had been plundered (Volcker report, para. 21). I call

that a pretty good job of systematically destroying records, especially

since, in the absence of records, the banks get to keep the money because

Switzerland has no escheat law. It is true that under Swiss law, the

banks were required to keep records for only ten ears. But, having

accepted deposits from Holocaust victims, and knowing that most Jewish

depositors had failed to survive the Nazis, how can anyone defend the

Swiss banks' widespread destruction of the records needed to trace the

true ownership of the Holocaust funds?

 

Despite the immense hurdles created by the destruction of records, the

Volcker report identified 46,000 Swiss bank accounts with a "probable or

possible" connection with Holocaust victims. The names of 26,000 of the

accounts are about to be published, and the federal court has set aside

$800 million to pay the owners of those funds. Neve Gordon, in his review

of Finkelstein's book, suggests that the sum is exaggerated, but his

figures dovetail closely with mine. The $800 million for bank deposits

includes an interest/inflation factor of 10 that the Volcker committee

found was necessary to permit payment of current value. Everyone,

including Raul Hilberg, agrees that Jewish deposits into Swiss banks on

the eve of the Holocaust were at least $80 million.  Surely, the Swiss

banks should not have the use of that money for sixty years without

paying interest to the accounts' true owners. $800 million is, therefore,

a very conservative estimate of what the banks really owe. Finally, in a

characteristically venomous charge, Finkelstein accuses me of "making a

mockery of Jewish suffering during World War II," because I have

estimated that 1 million victims of the Holocaust are still alive. In

order to reach such a figure, Finkelstein argues that I must be diluting

what it meant to suffer during the Holocaust. But, as usual,

Finkelstein's obsession with criticizing anyone who acts on behalf of

Holocaust survivors blinds him to the facts. My figure of 1 million

victims was intended to include all surviving victims, not merely Jewish

survivors. The German foundation Remembrance, Responsibility and the

Future estimates that more than 1 million former slave and forced

laborers are still alive and qualify for compensation. The fact is that

the Holocaust did not affect only Jews. The Swiss settlement includes

Sinti-Roma, Jehovah's Witnesses, the disabled and gays. The German

foundation will distribute most of the slave/forced labor funds to

non-Jews. About 130,000 Jewish survivors and about 900,000 non-Jewish

victims are still alive. Norman Finkelstein accuses me of being a "main

party" to seeking compensation for them. Thank you, Norman. I could not

be prouder.

 

Burt Neuborne

 

(Enclosed please find Omer Bartov's New York Times review of The Holocaust

Industry.)

 

2. Israeli Torture

 

Finkelstein repeatedly claims that Israel, despite outlawing any sort of

coercive interrogation in 1999, systematically tortures and kills in cold

blood Palestinian detainees.  His favorite -- and indeed, often his sole

-- evidence is an Israeli Supreme Court decision.  Here is what he said in

Chicago on March 18, 2004:   “There was a famous case in 1995 of a

Palestinian who was shaken to death while in detention.  And nobody

disputed the facts the Israeli pathologist’s office, the forensic

pathologists who were brought into the case, eventually it went to the

Israeli High Court of Justice they all agreed.  And I’m quoting now from

the High Court of Justice Judgment : 'All agree that Harizad died from the

shaking.”  If you go to Dershowitz’s book, he discusses the case and says,

quote, 'An independent inquiry found that he didn’t die from the shaking,

but from a previous illness.' That was just made up.”  (Emphasis added.)

 

It was Finkelstein who made up the quotation.  The Supreme Court actually

said that “the suspect expired after being shaken.”  The difference

between “died from the shaking” and “expired after being shaken” is

considerable, especially since the sentence that follows in the decision

attributes the death to an extremely rare complication, and the sentence

before summarizes the literature as having no examples of anyone dying

from shaking.  This is not a translation error.  It is an example of a

made-up quotation.  Remember, Finkelstein said he was "quoting," not

paraphrasing, yet the words he purports to quote simply do not

exist.  Finkelstein has never, to my knowledge, responded to this serious

charge of fabricating a quotation from the Israeli Supreme Court.

 

Finkelstein's pattern of making up quotations, a pattern identified first

by Professor Novick, should alone disqualify him from any tenured academic

position.

 

3. Jews Lie About Being Holocaust Survivors

 

“I am not exaggerating when I say that 1 out of 3 Jews you stop in the

street in New York will claim to be a survivor [of the Nazi Holocaust].”

 

I would ordinarily include this in a list of Finkelstein's wild and

hysterical hyperboles.  But he uses this figure often, and, as you see, he

prefaces it be specifically saying that it is not an exaggeration.

 

Of course not even one in three Jews in New York is old enough to be a

survivor.  His statistic is not an exaggeration.  It is an outright

fabrication.  Moreover, only a tiny percentage of those old enough claim

to be survivors, and Finkelstein provides no proof that they are not being

truthful.  Imagine the reaction if he had said that one of three women

falsely claim to be a survivor of rape.

 

4.  Israel -- As A Matter of Policy -- Fetishizes Aryan-Looking People

 

In a interview published on Alexander Cockburn’s Counterpunch, Finkelstein

claimed that a number of non-Jewish Russians had been able to immigrate to

Israel because “the Israeli establishment likes the blue eyed, blonde

haired Aryan types as a racial group.”  It goes without saying that this

is absolutely untrue.  It's characteristic, though, of

Finkelstein's  drop-of-a-hat willingness to associate Israel with the Nazi

racist ideology ­bizarre as it is from someone whose parents were Holocaust

survivors­ is simply not justifiable on any rational basis.  And it gets

even stranger.  Finkelstein then tried to substantiate his claim about the

Israeli government’s preference for “Aryans” by claiming that Leon Uris

gave his blond-haired and blue-eyed protagonist in his book Exodus the

name “Ari” because it was short for “Aryan.”  Ari which means lion in

Hebrew ­is about as classic as Hebrew names get, short for names that

appear in the Bible many thousands of years before the word “Aryan” even

found its way into the English language.  Again, Finkelstein simply made

it up.

 

5. Daniel Goldhagen

 

Among the dozen or so Jewish writers whose careers Finkelstein has tried

to destroy with the same accusations -- "fraud," "huxter," "shake-down

artist," "plagiarist" -- he has only ever written a full book about one

other: Daniel Goldhagen.  Goldhagen did a masterful job of going

point-by-point on Finkelstein's many lies and distortions.  I'm attaching,

below, a copy of Goldhagen's essay, "The New Discourse of Avoidance."

 

6. I Don't Write My Own Books

 

Finkelstein asserts, and has said on many, many occasions, that my books

are written for me by others.  Here are some of the remarks Finkelstein

has made about my supposed ghostwriters:

 

“I don’t think he wrote the book [The Case for Israel]"; “I very much

doubt he had read the book"; “There is no way he wrote the book”;

“[Dershowitz] has come to the point where he’s had so many people write so

many of his books. You know, he just churns them out… [I]t’s sort of like

a Hallmark line for Nazis… [T]hey churn them out so fast that he has now

reached a point where he doesn’t even read them."

 

He characterized our single on-air interaction like this:

 

“So I kept saying to him, "Mr. Dershowitz I don’t think you wrote the

book." Now, if somebody really wrote the book you would expect a

ferocious answer. Like the guy is going to go at you and want to throttle

you. But he really didn’t answer that way, because Alan knew he didn’t

write the book. And then I figure which I honestly believe don’t

believe he read the book. People think that I’m speaking

cavalierly occasionally I do, but mostly in private. In public I want to

be responsible for my words. And I said to him at one point, "Look Mr.

Dershowitz, if you have any sense of self respect you would just say, ‘I

didn’t write the book and I had no time to read it. I’m sorry.’"

But I’m serious. There is no way he wrote the book…”

 

Here is the actual transcript of the conversation in which Finkelstein

claims that I essentially acknowledge his absurd charge that I didn't

write The Case for Israel by not vigorously answering it:

 

NORMAN FINKELSTEIN: I read your book. Or the book you purport to have

written.

ALAN DERSHOWITZ: Now you claim somebody else wrote it?

NORMAN FINKELSTEIN:  I hope so. For your sake I truly hope you did not

write this book.

ALAN DERSHOWITZ: I proudly wrote it.

NORMAN FINKELSTEIN: I think the honorable thing for you to do would be to

say I didn't write the book, I had no time to read it. I'm sorry.

ALAN DERSHOWITZ: I wrote every word of it.

 

He repeated the above false remarks even after I sent his publisher my

handwritten manuscript.  I write all of my books *by hand* and have the

manuscripts.  I stand ready to send them to you for your

perusal.  Finkelstein knows full well that I write my books by hand and

that I wrote The Case for Israel.  Yet he continues to state the opposite

because it draws reactions from his skewed college audiences.

 

It should also be noted that I did not have a preexisting feud with

Finkelstein prior to his claims that I don't write my books.  I'd quoted

him a few times in The Case for Israel, but had never met him and

certainly had no prior interaction with him.

 

After claiming that I didn't write The Case for Israel, Finkelstein hedged

his accusation by saying that if I *did* write the book, I plagiarized

it.  Of course I was completely cleared of that charge by an independent

Harvard University investigation.  I am not answering that charge here,

because much of it turns on the definition of plagiarism: whether it is

proper to find a quotation in one source, check it against the original

source, and cite to the original, rather than the secondary, source.  The

Chicago Manual of Style says that that is the preferred method of

citation; Finkelstein calls that plagiarism.  Indeed, many academics whom

Finkelstein admires -- including Noam Chomsky -- use precisely this method

of citation.  Of course Finkelstein would never apply his forensic

scholarship to question their citation methodology.  As he himself

admitted, his first foray into forensic scholarship occurred when he and

Noam Chomsky agreed to "expose" Joan Peters for writing a book about whose

substantive conclusions the two disagreed.

 

There are also issues of fact involved in Finkelstein's accusation.  Some

of the sources he claimed that I found in Joan Peters's book were

quotations I had been using for decades before Peters even wrote her book,

including a quotation by Mark Twain and the British Peel Commission.  For

a full response to Finkelstein's plagiarism accusation, you can read

Chapter 16 of The Case for Peace, accessible here:

http://www.law.harvard.edu/faculty/dershowitz/Chapter_16.pdf#search=%22Alan%20Dershowitz%20and%20Chapter%2016%20and%20Case%20for%20Peace%22

 

 

6. I Support Ethnic Cleansing

 

Finkelstein also likes to say that I support ethnic cleansing, or in the

alternative, that I “If you open up [Dershowitz’s] book, Chutzpah, he says

that, well as far as I’m concerned, he says, ethnic cleansings are, quote,

a fifth-rate moral issue, and no different – he says, and they’re

analogous I’m now quoting him ­they’re now, ethnic cleansings are

analogous to massive urban renewal.”

(Vancouver, May 15, 2004) (emphasis added).

 

This quotation is totally made up. I never said that ethnic cleansing is

"analogous to massive urban renewal."  He misquotes something I said about

an entirely different matter: the movement of people as part of a

post-conflict “political solution,” such as what occurred after World War

II when “approximately fifteen million ethnic Germans” were moved from

Czechoslovakia and other Eastern European nations to Germany as part of an

international effort to produce increased stability.  This is not ethnic

cleansing, but, as I wrote, it “may constitute a human rights violation”

as may the movement of Palestinians following the Arab attack on Israel in

1947-48. (See Chutzpah, p. 215.)

 

---------

 

The above are just a few representative examples of Finkelstein's

disqualifying academic dishonestly.  There are of course many, many more

examples of simple historical absurdities -- for example, he claims that

Israel started the 1973 Yom Kippur War -- that are Finkelstein's bread and

butter.  But the above are some of the more verifiably false.

 

I am also attaching the "speaking packet" that my office has sent to

schools requesting information from me about Norman Finkelstein.  It

includes a list of preposterous quotations, lies, and damning comments

about Finkelstein from mainstream, reputable sources.  It also includes my

response to Finklestein’s most recent book, Beyond Chutzpah.

 

And finally, here are two student opinion pieces about Finkelstein, the

first from the Harvard Law Record ("Justice for Palestine or

Jew-Baiting"), the second from the Yale Daily News ("Finkelstein and the

YCIAS: Misusing Yale, Abusing Students"):

http://www.hlrecord.org/media/paper609/news/2005/10/20/Opinion/Amicus.Curiae.Justice.For.Palestine.Or.JewBaiting-1028675.shtml

 

 

A school should also take into account the fact that Finkelstein is a

classic anti-Semite who has invoked anti-Jewish stereotypes.**  He says in

his book Beyond Chutzpah, “Should people like Abraham Foxman, Edgar

Bronfman, and Rabbi Israel Singer [who are prominent Jewish leaders] get a

free ride because they resemble stereotypes straight out of Der

Stürmer?”  Can you imagine a professor issuing a similar description of a

woman or a Muslim, or describe the Pope according to an anti-Catholic

stereotype?  In fact, just a quick check of his website today, Monday,

shows that in his blog headlines alone, Finkelstein has compared Israel to

Nazi Germany twice, American Jews to the mafia twice and to the KKK once,

and has called Elie Wiesel, "[p]ersona summa creepa."  And those are just

the headlines of his most recent posts!  Perhaps most notably, Finkelstein

has called American Jews "parasites" and blamed Jews themselves for

anti-Semitism.  "Alongside Israel [“American Jewish elites”] are the main

fomenters of anti-Semitism in the world today… They need to be

stopped.” Were he not Jewish, these statements would clearly disqualify him

from tenure.  If he made comparable statements about Muslims or Catholics,

he would be disqualified.  The fact that he is a Jew making anti-Semitic

statements does not mitigate his bigotry.  For purposes of scholarship,

the important point is that, because of his bigotry, he has forever

disqualified himself from being taken seriously on issues of Jews, the

Jewish State, Jewish leaders, or the Jewish religion.

 

In the end, there is no Finkelstein "scholarship"; there are only false

attacks.

 

Please let me know if I can be of further assistance.

 

Sincerely,

 

Alan Dershowitz

 

 

* Sometimes there are differences involving interpretation of words, where

reasonable people might disagree on the meanings of words used.  I am not

speaking of those sorts of disagreements such as Finkelstein's statement

concerning his mother:

 

Still, if she didn't cross fundamental moral boundaries, I glimpsed from

her manner of pushing and shoving in order to get to the head of a queue,

which mortified me, how my mother must have fought Hobbes's war of all

against all many a time in the camps. Really, how else would she have

survived?

 

I interpreted that question -- If she did not "cross fundamental moral

boundaries ... how else would she have survived?" -- as Finkelstein

questioning whether his mother had crossed such boundaries, that is,

whether she might well have collaborated or violated other moral norms in

the camps.  When I pointed out that Finkelstein even questioned his own

mother's survival story, Finkelstein savagely attacked me for claiming

that his mother might have been a Nazi collaborator (when of course he was

the one who raised that question, not me).  Finkelstein disputes that he

was raising such suspicion about his mother.  Perhaps.  It is a matter of

interpretation upon which reasonable people could disagree.  I leave these

issues out of the present letter.

 

** I do not think that harsh criticism of Israel, or even strident

anti-Zionism, is tantamount to anti-Semitism.  Nor do I think, though,

that harsh criticism of Israel exempts one from being an anti-Semite if

that charge can be independently established.  In my book The Case for

Peace, 139 - 41, I outline thirty factors that can be used to distinguish

anti-Zionism from anti-Semitism.

 

 

---------

 

 

 

 

 

The New Discourse of Avoidance

 

 

 

by

 

Daniel Jonah Goldhagen

 

Before my book, Hitler’s Willing Executioners, was published in Germany

last year, many launched attacks on it that have since been shown to be

gross misrepresentations of its contents. Der Spiegel was at the forefront

of the initial assault, publishing a lengthy cover story, "A People of

Demons?" Its central theme was the fictitious charge that I had revived

the notion of "collective guilt," in which Der Spiegel tried to blacken my

character, among other ways, by likening me to an American who during the

war wrote that Germans should all be sterilized.(1) Der Spiegel then

published another fictitious story claiming that the German translation of

my book was cooked, which was such obvious nonsense that it was ignored in

Germany.(2) These stories did, however, give a hint as to the depths of

dishonesty to which some would sink in order to impugn a book that told

long neglected truths that many desperately wished not to hear.

 

When my book was finally published in German, several things became clear

to the German public. The initial attacks constituted a discourse of

avoidance that deflected attention from the real issues, the new

materials, and the conclusions that my book brings forth. It was also

obvious that many of the critics simply did not want to discuss these

central issues that had hitherto never been forcefully put before the

public: Why did so many ordinary Germans (however many did) support and

even participate in the persecution of the Jews and how did long existing

anti-Semitism (however widespread it was) contribute to their actions?

 

Having failed with its earlier attempts, Der Spiegel is now resorting to

using a notorious anti-Zionist ideologue, Norman Finkelstein, to launch a

new discourse of avoidance, with its article "Goldhagen -- a Source

Trickster?"(3) Finkelstein’s piece, "Daniel Jonah Goldhagen’s ‘Crazy’

Thesis," is a fifty page screed (stretched out over one hundred pages in

the book version to lend it more gravity), which relies systematically on

distortions, misrepresentations, out-of-context quotations, and outright

inventions, to present a fallacious case that I misrepresent the secondary

sources and that my arguments are self-contradictory.(4) Der Spiegel, in

making its case for Finkelstein’s "devastating result," obviously chose to

present what it believes are the strongest examples from Finkelstein’s

piece. So looking at the "best" that Finkelstein has to offer is

sufficient to reveal the general character of his work.

 

One of Finkelstein’s examples concerns the ritual murder charges (that

Jews killed Christian children for ritual purposes) during the nineteenth

century, and that twelve of the charges eventually led to trials between

1867 and 1914. I bring them up as a small part of a larger discussion of

how widespread, vehement, and hallucinatory the anti-Semitism was in

nineteenth century Germany (and Austria) where such canards had widespread

currency. Ignoring the other voluminous evidence regarding the wide scope

and great intensity of anti-Semitism in Germany during this period,

Finkelstein zooms in on the fact that prosecutors could not prove that

Jews had actually committed these invented crimes (these cases actually

went to trial!) and concludes that this shows that Germans were not

anti-Semitic, and I should have said as much.(5) He writes as if "ritual

murder" trials of Jews had to yield guilty verdicts before one is

permitted to conclude that the widespread currency of such charges in

Germany indicated anything at all about the character of anti-Semitism

among its people. Based on the relevant German secondary sources, which

Finkelstein’s footnotes indicate he has not read, I write: "Even liberal

newspapers took to printing all manner of rumors and accusations against

Jews, including ritual murder charges, as if they had been proven

facts."(6) Finkelstein would have people believe that this is either not

true or irrelevant to the discussion of how widespread and hallucinatory

anti-Semitism was in Germany, and that the only thing that matters about

the routine ritual murder talk and accusations is that a court of law --

where actual evidence must be presented -- could not convict any Jew on

the charge.

 

Finkelstein also attacks my discussion of the anti-emancipation petition

campaign in Bavaria in 1849.(7) In the original, New Left Review version

of his piece, he uses a qualification that I present in my own endnote,

where I openly discuss the complexity of the events and the contested

nature of some of the evidence, to suggest that what I write in the text

is a misrepresentation! Moreover, in order to make his case, he violates

scholarly practice by presenting another scholar’s words describing the

campaign, "spontaneous, extremely broad-based, and genuine...," as mine,

for which he attacks me as misrepresenting the real nature of the

campaign.(8) This conclusion about the nature of the opposition to Jewish

emancipation is from James Harris’ exhaustive, definitive book on the

subject, The People Speak! Anti-Semitism and Emancipation in

Nineteenth-Century Bavaria. I write: "James Harris’ study of the petition

campaign concludes that, in one region of Bavaria, five to six times more

Germans opposed than favored Jewish emancipation."(9) But Finkelstein --

whose notes indicate that he has not even consulted Harris, the expert on

the subject -- declares not only the opposite to be true but also that I

have misrepresented the record.

 

After I exposed this example of Finkelstein’s unscholarly legerdemain in

the Frankfurter Rundschau, Finkelstein doctored this section of his piece

for its sanitized publication in A Nation on Trial. Finkelstein’s New Left

Review version on p. 48 reads: "To further document the extent of German

anti-Semitism, Goldhagen recalls a ‘spontaneous, extremely broad-based,

and genuine’ petition campaign in Bavaria opposing the full equality of

Jews. Yet the corresponding note tucked in the book’s back pages reveals

that..." The same passage in A Nation on Trial on p. 21 reads: "Quoting a

scholarly study, Goldhagen recalls a ‘spontaneous, extremely broad-based,

and genuine’ petition campaign in Bavaria opposing the full equality of

Jews. Yet in the corresponding note buried in the book’s back pages,

Goldhagen himself cites credible evidence that..." So Finkelstein, in his

original falsified version, has my note "revealing" that my attempt to

show that my statement about anti-Semitism’s scope is a misrepresentation.

In the revised version -- which was doctored after Finkelstein got caught

-- Finkelstein has me quoting a "scholarly study" and then in my note

"cit[ing] credible evidence" that casts doubt on the general statement.

His now revised section, in which he still leaves out the relevant

evidence, is still a misrepresentation of my book, of Harris’ work, and

the historical record -- though as damning criticism of me, it hardly

makes sense.

 

Finkelstein has effectively conceded with his surreptitious alteration of

his text after the exposure of his falsehood that he fabricated the

original New Left Review example of my supposed misrepresentation of the

record. He does so without informing the reader. And when one sees the

real text of my book, which follows the conclusions of James Harris, it

becomes clear that Finkelstein’s charge here is just a calumny. If

Finkelstein were, in a similar manner, to change every one of his

misrepresentations of text so that his piece’s contents would accord with

the actual relevant texts, then his "textually" based case would

evaporate. It is worth emphasizing that this is one of Finkelstein’s

strongest, most unassailable examples, which, in so many ways, does

nothing more than reveal that Finkelstein has delegitimized himself and

has himself proven that he has no credibility.

 

A third example concerns a section in my book on the widespread posting of

signs in German cities and towns declaring "Jews Not Wanted." From that

section, Finkelstein quotes, out of context, three words, "Germans posted

signs," suggesting that I covered up that it was really "Nazis" who did

so.(10) The section in my book begins: "For the next two years, Germans

inside and outside the government succeeded in making life for Jews in

Germany... all but unbearable.... During this period, the society-wide

attack proceeded in an uncoordinated manner. Some of its aspects were

mandated from above, some initiated from below, the latter generally,

though not always, by avowed Nazis. The main, though not sole, initiators

of assaults upon Jews were the men of the SA, the brown shirt shock troops

of the regime." So I make it clear here that they were mainly Nazis,

specifically saying that most of them were SA men. I then write: "During

the 1930s, towns throughout Germany issued official prohibitions on Jews

entering them, and such signs were a near ubiquitous feature of the German

landscape."(11) These passages make it clear that it was principally Nazis

who were responsible (who else was in a position to make "official

prohibitions"?), so Finkelstein’s attack that I cover up that the signs

came from Nazis is a fiction, which he makes by quoting three words out of

context.

 

The fourth example regards his falsification of evidence concerning my use

of a source. The compiler of Hitler’s public pronouncements, Max Domarus

believed that Hitler’s many public declarations that the war would end in

the extermination of the Jews was put forward within the context of

foreign policy because, in Domarus’ view, Hitler believed that the

extermination would not be approved of in Germany. After Finkelstein

quotes this, he writes: "Yet, Goldhagen writes: ‘Hitler announced many

times, emphatically, that the war would end in the extermination of the

Jews. The killing met with general understanding, if not approval.’ The

endnote refers to Max Domarus."(12) With this Finkelstein, as he does

throughout his article, contends that I appeal to the authority of other

authors when they say the opposite of what I maintain. The texts of my

book and Domarus’ book show that Finkelstein has invented this notion in

order to invent yet another false charge against me.

 

The Domarus work to which I refer is a multivolume compilation of Hitler’s

speeches and proclamations. It contains an introduction by Domarus, where

he presents a different interpretation from mine of how to understand

Hitler’s not entirely consistent statements. Finkelstein falsely suggests

that I cite Domarus ("the endnote refers readers to Max Domarus") as a

supporter of my interpretation while concealing that he actually has a

different view; yet my book is as clear as can be -- following standard

scholarly practice -- that I am not citing Domarus, the interpreter, but

referring to the materials that he has compiled. The endnote reference

mark in my book is placed after my sentence "Hitler announced many times,

emphatically, that the war would end in the extermination of the

Jews,"(13) which is an undisputed fact. The single page in Domarus’ book

which I cite in this note is vol. 1, p. 41. It contains some of these

announcements and references to others. My sentence subsequent to the

endnote reference mark, "The killings met with general understanding, if

not approval," is clearly my view, which I spend the next four hundred

pages substantiating. There is no reference or appeal to Domarus’ views or

authority. The view of Domarus that Finkelstein cites is not on the page

that I cite but on vol. 1, p. 37. So Finkelstein has taken an endnote

reference -- which indicates exactly and only where readers can find the

relevant quotations from Hitler -- and invented the notion that it comes

after a sentence in my book where I state my own interpretation of the

data. It is on the basis of Finkelstein’s own deception that he then

attacks my integrity. For Finkelstein to make this and his many other

charges seem plausible, he must engage in this sort of falsification,

which he does again and again. Concocting these sorts of falsifications

requires effort and ingenuity.

 

It is only through such wholesale falsification of evidence that

Finkelstein can give surface plausibility to his attack. His two principal

charges are, on the face of it, absurd. The first is that I have falsified

secondary sources. After hundreds of articles have been written about my

book -- including very critical ones, some by scholars in the field who

are the authors of the secondary sources that Finkelstein cites --

suddenly Finkelstein, a man who is a self-proclaimed amateur in the field,

for the first time, "discovers" my alleged transgression. His second

charge is that my argument falls apart through internal contradiction.

Prior to Finkelstein’s second "discovery," one of the standard criticisms

of the book is that its argument was too tight, too neat, seamless.

Finkelstein can make this second argument seem plausible only through

out-of-context quotation, the manifest twisting of meaning, and blatant

misrepresentation. This is also his standard technique for inventing the

aspersion that I have misused sources.

 

In addition to misrepresenting the contents of my book and the secondary

literature, Finkelstein relies on a second technique of deception

throughout. He finds an instance where a scholar disagrees with my

interpretation about some point. He then asserts, as if it is uncontested

fact, that such a disagreement shows that I have falsified two things. The

first is my conclusions. It is an assumption of his entire piece that

whenever a disagreement over interpretation exists between any scholar and

me 1) that the other scholar is automatically correct, 2) that I know it,

and 3) that I have willfully hidden it. He typically presents other

scholars’ interpretations of data as facts, which makes it seem as if my

putting forward a different position is to deny uncontested facts.

 

My second alleged falsification is of the work of others. He writes as if

any time one uses a single fact that is contained in another book, it

creates an obligation to accept its author’s interpretation of that fact

and on seemingly all other matters as well. No scholar does this.(14) (My

book is not a historiography of the scholarship on the Holocaust but a

study of the Holocaust itself which already has 125 pages of endnotes

without the additional endless historiographical discussions that the man

who cannot read most of the sources demands.) That my interpretations and

conclusions, on small and large points, often differ from those of other

scholars is extremely well known -- after all my book is based on new

evidence and new interpretations, and I say at the beginning that it

revises central notions about the Holocaust. That these differences exist,

I also frequently state explicitly in my book and refer readers to

alternative views. Virtually every reviewer of the book has also stated

that my book departs from existing interpretations.

 

Without these two central techniques of falsification, Finkelstein would

have no critique to write other than one which merely expressed his

ideological aversion for my book. The examples discussed here are,

according to Der Spiegel’s choice, Finkelstein’s strongest, most

scholarly, and presumably most devastating ones. Yet they are so blatant

in their violation of scholarly practice that they show that nothing can

be believed in Finkelstein’s piece without first comparing his text

against my original text and whatever sources are relevant, including, of

course, the enormous number of sources, primary and secondary -- which

Finkelstein pretends do not exist -- which support my conclusions and

which are cited in my book.(15) Undertaking such verification would show

that Finkelstein’s violations of scholarly practice and rectitude, found

in the examples discussed here, are typical of and repeated throughout his

piece. It would also show that his piece is nothing more than the

ideological tract that he all but announced it to be in the last section

of its original publication in New Left Review (discussed below), which

consists of an anti-Zionist diatribe and wild inventions about, and

denunciations of, Holocaust studies.

 

Finkelstein’s gross misrepresentation of my book is just one indication

that his attack on it has little to do with any knowledge of, and concern

for, scholarship on the Holocaust and everything to do with his burning

political agenda. Here are the facts about the German history and

Holocaust "expert" Finkelstein. None of his previous published books and

articles are on German history or the Holocaust. Even though the primary

material and critical secondary material are in German, he does not cite a

single German source because he does not even read German. Nevertheless,

the neophyte Finkelstein makes a string of pronouncements (and errors)

about what the sources prove, all the while pretending that the enormous

amount of evidence that contradicts his wishful assertions and ideological

pronouncements do not exist.

 

None of this is surprising, since Finkelstein’s published work has been in

the "field" of anti-Zionism. In an earlier article, Finkelstein argued

that Israel is as criminal as Saddam Hussein’s Iraq, the state that

decimated Kuwait and systematically slaughtered Kurds and Shiites.(16)

Elsewhere, he has written, "I can’t imagine why Israel’s apologists [those

who defend Israel against such charges] would be offended by a comparison

with the Gestapo," suggesting that those who supported Israel should be

flattered by the comparison.(17)

 

Finkelstein’s attack on my book flows from his earlier work in a manner

that suggests that, in order to write it, he did not even have to consult

the sketchy source base that he did. His piece about my book in New Left

Review ends with a five page anti-Zionist diatribe in which he argues that

non-German scholars of the Holocaust are Zionist propagandists whose work

legitimizes Israel’s existence "which is celebrated as a bastion of

Western Civilization doing battle on the front lines with and, against,

all odds, smashing the Arab hordes."(18) According to Finkelstein, not

only my book but all of what he terms "Holocaust studies" is "mainly a

propaganda enterprise."(19) Thus, Finkelstein writes: "‘The Holocaust’ is

in effect the Zionist account of the Nazi holocaust."(20) What amounts to

an international Zionist conspiracy even allegedly goes so far as to

silence dissenting voices with something Finkelstein invents, called "the

‘Holocaust Studies’ index," which supposedly proscribes works that diverge

from the alleged Zionist propagandistic position, as the Catholic Church

once did.

 

Finkelstein fabricates the whopper that I am now at the cutting edge of

this Zionist conspiracy: "Seen through Goldhagen’s effectively

ultra-Zionist lens, in the dialectic of anti-Semitism, not only can

Gentiles do no good but Jews can do no evil." Thus, Finkelstein goes far

beyond the phony "collective guilt" charge with new, invented, monstrous

allegations that I believe that no non-Jew can ever do good, that all

non-Jews are "potential if not actual homicidal anti-Semites," and that

Jews can do no evil. He also writes that "the essence of Goldhagen’s

thesis" is "that only deranged perverts could perpetrate a crime so

heinous as the Final Solution."

 

Those who are the least bit familiar with my book know that it emphasizes

that we must restore the humanity to the perpetrators of the Holocaust and

recognize that they were ordinary people from all walks of life, who, like

other genocidal killers (e.g., in Turkey and in Rwanda), acted upon their

beliefs. Those who are familiar with my statements about postwar Germany,

including in my book itself, know that I am an admirer of the Federal

Republic of Germany, where anti-Semitism has declined enormously. Anyone

who knows any of my clearly stated views on these and other subjects will

also know that Finkelstein’s allegations, including that I think Germans

are "crazy" and "deranged perverts," are wild inventions.

 

And his "evidence" is no better. Finkelstein’s hollow practice, which

consists of his customary techniques of falsification documented here,

flows from his ideological pronouncements: Finkelstein, in the cause of

anti-Zionism, declares Holocaust studies, and work that shows that the

Jewish people were persecuted because they were hated, to be "propaganda."

Some of these clear statements of Finkelstein’s self-discrediting

ideological views were excised from the version of Finkelstein’s piece

that Henry Holt published in A Nation on Trial. A comparison of the last

section of the versions in New Left Review (pp. 82-87) and in A Nation on

Trial (pp. 87-100) reveals this cover-up. It is not hard to believe that

the publisher would want to conceal Finkelstein’s true views, views of the

sort which, heretofore, had been confined to the publications of fringe

groups. If the publisher had included in the book the views that

Finkelstein has so stridently expressed about "Holocaust studies" being

propaganda and the like, then Finkelstein and the entire publishing

enterprise would have been exposed by Finkelstein’s own ideological

pronouncements to be the unscholarly, dishonest polemic that it is; Henry

Holt would have immediately delegitimized its own publication.

 

Imagine that someone would write that all or most German scholarship on

the Holocaust is mainly "propaganda" and would attack a German scholar in

the most vicious of terms. Does anyone believe that Der Spiegel would

pretend that such a person is an expert voice of scholarly probity and

reason, and would devote many pages to his attacks on a scholar? Would

Henry Holt? But when Finkelstein, a man with an explicit political agenda

who has never written about the Holocaust, writes the same about the

scholarship of Jews -- which is what he makes clear he means by "Holocaust

studies" (the occasional, in his view, exceptional Jewish scholar of the

Holocaust notwithstanding) -- Der Spiegel and now Henry Holt present him

as the crown witness.

 

Der Spiegel, in its initial attack on my book, used the irrelevant facts

of my identity to suggest that I have other than scholarly motives. In its

current attack, it uses the exact same irrelevant facts about Finkelstein

(as Finkelstein does himself) but this time to portray Finkelstein, the

anti-Zionist crusader and conspiracy theorist, as a man above suspicion,

who could not possibly have any agenda other than telling the world the

truth about the Holocaust! Henry Holt and those who support the

publication of A Nation on Trial present Finkelstein in the same manner.

With the justification that Finkelstein’s parents are survivors of the

Holocaust, Der Spiegel tells the unwitting reader: "It is certain that

Finkelstein has no ulterior motives in making his attack." Henry Holt has

now tried to foist the same deception on what it hopes remains an

unsuspecting public.

 

 

 

End Notes:

 

1. Der Spiegel, May 20, 1996, pp. 48-77.

2. "'Riesige Mehrheit,'" Der Spiegel, August 12, 1996, p. 42.

3. "Goldhagen -- ein Quellenstrickser?" Der Spiegel, August 11, 1997, pp.

156-158.

4. Published in A Nation on Trial: The Goldhagen Thesis and Historical

Truth (New York: Owl Books, 1998), pp. 1-100. The earlier version, which

Henry Holt sanitized in order to make it more presentable, is to be found

in New Left Review, July/August, 1997, pp. 39-87.

5. A Nation on Trial, p. 21.

6. Hitler's Willing Executioners, p. 64.

7. A Nation on Trial, p. 21.

8. New Left Review, p. 48.

9. See James F. Harris, The People Speak! Anti-Semitism and Emancipation

in Nineteenth-Century Bavaria (Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press,

1994), p. 169.

10. A Nation on Trial, p. 40.

11. Hitler's Willing Executioners, pp. 91-92.

12. A Nation on Trial, p. 30.

13. Hitler's Willing Executioners, p. 8. That Hitler would repeatedly

assert publicly, for the entire nation, that he would annihilate the

Jewish people, immediately casts doubt on Domarus' notion that Hitler was

convinced that the majority of the German people and of the members of the

Nazi Party would "resist" such a program -- if he had believed this, then

why would he keep announcing and emphasizing it both before and while he

was annihilating the Jews?

14. Domarus' view of how widespread anti-Semitism was in Germany prior to

the Nazis' assumption of power is on p. 38: "At the time National

Socialism was beginning to take hold, it was widely held that the Jews

were responsible for every mishap in Germany from the early Middle Ages to

the 20th century." This is a view similar to my own, which Finkelstein,

against overwhelming and voluminous evidence, denies and accuses me of

inventing. According to Finkelstein's own disingenuous accusatory

practice, his reliance on Domarus elsewhere means that he is obliged to

present this view of Domarus and, since Finkelstein has not, he has

therefore falsified a secondary source.

15. So, on anti-Semitism, which Finkelstein would have people believe was

neither very widespread nor particularly virulent, Werner Jochmann, the

leading scholar of anti-Semitism in late nineteenth and early twentieth

century Germany writes: "A wealth of examples shows how, in the [18]90's,

anti-Semitism infiltrated in this way into every last citizens'

association, penetrating folk clubs and cultural societies." After

surveying anti-Semitism in Germany from 1914 to 1924, Jochmann concludes

"that already in the first years of the republic the anti-Semitic flood had

inundated all dams of legality. Still greater was the devastation in the

spiritual realm. Even the democratic parties and the governments of the

republic believed that they could escape the pressure being exerted on

them if they recommended to the Jews restraint in political and social

life, and deported or interned the East European Jews." See Hitler's

Willing Executioners, pp. 72, 84. For Jochmann's devastating documentation

of the ubiquity and virulence of anti-Semitism in Germany, see the original

essays, "Structure and Functions of German Anti-Semitism, 1878-1914," in

Herbert A. Strauss, ed., Hostages of Modernization: Studies on modern

Antisemitism, 1870-1933/39 (Berlin: Walter de Gruyter, 1993); "Die

Ausbreitung des Antisemitismus in Deutschland, 1914-1923," in

Gesellschaftskrise und Judenfeinschaft in Deutschland, 1870-1945 (Hamburg:

Hans Christians Verlag, 1988); and the other chapters of

Gesellschaftskrise und Judenfeinschaft in Deutschland, 1870-1945.

16. "Israel and Iraq: A Double Standard in the Application of

International Law," Monthly Review 43, 3 (July-August 1991).

17. Quoted in John Dirlik, "Canadian Jewish Organizations Charged with

Stifling Campus Debate," The Washington Report on Middle East Affairs.

Finkelstein's "scholarship" in his own area of expertise, The Rise and

Fall of Palestine: A Personal Account of the Intifada Years (Minneapolis:

University of Minnesota Press, 1996), received the following sobering

evaluation in Kirkus Reviews (September 30, 1996): "Another contribution

to the vast body of propagandistic literature (produced by both sides)

that has helped to block a balanced discussion of the Israeli-Palestinian

conflict... this book is fatally compromised by a radical anti-Israel

animus. In the service of his bias, Finkelstein sometimes distorts

history, as in his ludicrous claim that 'Israel's founding father, David

Ben-Gurion, envisioned that the future state would incorporate the West

Bank and Gaza, Jordan, the Golan Heights, and Lebanon,' and his assertion

that 'it was Yasir Arafat's acceptance of the two-state solution that

triggered Israel's invasion of Lebanon in 1982.' There is no evidence for

the latter argument." The reviewer then informs the reader of the basic

facts that show the falsity of Finkelstein's account of the partition:

Ben-Gurion accepted the UN's 1947 partition plan, which was rejected by

all the surrounding Arab states. The reviewer continues: "In support of

his positions, Finkelstein sometimes cites himself, sometimes such extreme

critics of Israeli policies as Noam Chomsky and Alexander Cockburn, and

almost never a meticulous scholar at home in both Hebrew and Arabic

sources, such as Benny Morris. This work may interest those who are

already convinced that Israel is a kind of neocolonialist state." The

reviewer concludes with the recommendation that those who want to get "a

more balanced and substantial view" of the sources of the conflict should

look elsewhere.

18. New Left Review, p. 84; A Nation on Trial, p. 92.

19. New Left Review, p. 83; excised from A Nation on Trial.

20. New Left Review, p. 84; A Nation on Trial, p. 94.

21. New Left Review, p. 83; doctored in A Nation on Trial, p. 89.

22. New Left Review, p. 85; excised from A Nation on Trial.

23. New Left Review, p. 86; A Nation on Trial, p. 98.

24. See, for example, my speech "Modell Bundesrepublik: National History,

Democracy, and Internationalization in Germany," available at this website.

25. "Holocaust studies first flourished in the wake of the June 1967

Arab-Israeli war... Jewish intellectuals suddenly discovered the Jewish

state, now celebrated as a bastion of Western Civilization doing battle on

the front lines with and, against, all odds, smashing the Arab hordes.

They also suddenly discovered the Nazi genocide. A tiny cottage industry

before 1967, Holocaust studies began to boom" (New Left Review, p. 84; A

Nation on Trial, p. 92 for the amended version). It should come as no

surprise that the man who would have people believe that the Germans who

tortured, brutalized, and killed Jews were not anti-Semites, that whatever

enmity existed against Jews was partly the Jews' own fault (he derides the

notion that Jews were "innocent" in the Germans' genocidal assault on

them), would also like people to believe that when Jews study the

systematic attempt to annihilate the Jewish people, resulting in the death

of one-third of the world's Jews, they do so not because of any genuine

interest in the world historical catastrophe but because of a desire --

that Finkelstein has himself concocted and imputes to them -- to serve Zionism.

 

---------

 

Peter Novick’s review of The Holocaust Industry

‘Offene Fenster und Tueren,’

Sueddeutsche Zeitung, February 7, 2001.[1]

 

Last summer, after the initial publication of Norman Finkelstein's The

Holocaust Industry in English, there was said to be something called a

"Finkelstein debate" in Germany. Now that the book has appeared in German

translation, we will perhaps see this renewed. But it is hard to know what

there is in The Holocaust Industry, then or now, that is "debatable."

 

Finkelstein's assertion that in negotiations with Swiss banks and German

industrial corporations inflated numbers were often tossed around by

claimants is hardly "debatable." It is simply a fact that this was the

case--as is the fact that, from the other side, deflated numbers were

presented. Similarly, it is an undebatable fact that heavy-handed pressure

tactics were sometimes employed on behalf of the claimants--a response to

intransigence and delaying tactics on the part of the banks and

corporations. One could certainly wish that the negotiations had been

conducted differently; wish, especially, that all these matters had been

disposed of decades ago. But they weren't: another undebatable fact. In

any case, all of  this is widely known, and widely-deplored: what was

there, what is there, to debate?

 

As concerns particular assertions made by Finkelstein concerning

reparations and restitution, and on other matters as well, the appropriate

response is not (exhilarating) "debate" but (tedious) examination of his

footnotes. Such an examination reveals that many of those assertions are

pure invention.

 

Among his more startling claims is that the treasury of the World Jewish

Congress has "amassed no less than 'roughly $7 billion' in compensation

monies." Finkelstein's source for this startling revelation is an article

in FAZ which reported the very unstartling fact that the WJC was holding

discussions about how such monies might be distributed if and when they

received. This is not just carelessness on Finkelstein's part, since he

knew when he wrote the book that the WJC had not received any such funds:

deliberate deception. (Examples could be multiplied. No facts alleged by

Finkelstein should be assumed to be really facts, no quotation in his book

should be assumed to be accurate, without taking the time to carefully

compare his claims with the sources he cites.)

 

Or is the issue in the "Finkelstein Debate" his overall thesis, of which

the discussion of reparations and restitution is merely an illustration?

That larger thesis is clearly stated in his book and is easily summarized.

"American Jewish elites," Finkelstein argues, have cynically constructed a

"Holocaust Industry" to serve their selfish interests. To anyone familiar

with the author's lifelong crusade against Israel, it will come as no

surprise that first among these interests is to "justify criminal policies

of the Israeli state".

 

  But to credit "American Jewish elites" with sincerity in their concern

 for Israel would, in his view, be a mistake. In reality, he says, these

 elites are merely sycophantic tools of American imperialism. They came to

 support Israel only when it became a compliant tool of US policy-makers;

 they would abandon immediately if it ceased to be an American "strategic

 asset."

 

"The Holocaust Industry," Finkelstein tells us, also serves domestic

American purposes. Keeping alive the memory of the Holocaust immunizes

American Jews from "justified criticism" for their shift rightward in

recent years. But here too, we are told, one should not credit "American

Jewish elites" with sincere concern for the well being or reputation of

American Jewry: "If US ruling circles decided to scapegoat Jews, we should

not be surprised if American Jewish leaders acted exactly as their

predecessors did during the Nazi holocaust. . . . 'Jews would lead Jews to

death.'"

The overall argument of Finkelstein's book is that "American Jewish

elites" conspire only in their private interest: to line their own pockets

and to facilitate their "entry into the inner sanctums of American power."

For these elites, he tells us, "the Holocaust performed the same function

as Israel: another invaluable chip in a high-stakes power game." For

Finkelstein, it is only by acknowledging this long-standing conspiracy of

"Jewish elites" that one can really understand what was involved in

reparations and restitution negotiations.

 

I had not thought that (apart from the disreputable fringe) there were

Germans who would take seriously this twenty-first century updating of the

"Protocols of the Elders of Zion." I was mistaken: last summer the

reviewer for the FAZ compared the book's author to Hannah Arendt; said

that reading the book was "like opening a window for a sudden gust of

fresh air."

 

Understandably dismayed by this sort of response to Finkelstein's book,

there were those in Germany who said that it was "impermissible" for

Germans to discuss the questions which the book raised. As an outsider, I

hesitate to express an opinion on how Germans conduct their public

discourse, but I must say that I am opposed to their ruling any subject

"impermissible" or "out of bounds." And this applies particularly to

subjects having to do with the memory of the Holocaust.

 

Germany's relationship to the Holocaust and its memory is not "given"--set

in stone--but, must, like the relationship between any collectivity and

its memories, be the subject of continued rethinking and renegotiation.

Among American Jews, the rethinking and renegotiation of how we handle the

memory of the Holocaust has been underway for some time, and it has been

the occasion of lively debate. Though obviously the two cases are very

dissimilar, many of the same issues arise. As the years pass, what should

change and what should stay the same in our relationship to the memory?

How does one steer a path between forgetfulness and obsession? What should

be the relative weight of this memory compared to other memories of the

collective past? If we've made mistakes in how we've memorialized the

Holocaust, how can we learn from those mistakes and do better in the future?

 

On neither side of the Atlantic should discussion of any of these issues

be "impermissible." Indeed such discussions are highly desirable. But

Finkelstein's rant is not a contribution to such discussions; it is a

subtraction from them.

 

 

[1] Accessible at

http://www.vho.org/aaargh/fran/div/racket/holindustry/novickeng.html ; the

original article that was published in the German newspaper Sueddeutsche

Zeitung can be found in: Petra Steinberger (ed.): Die Finkelstein-Debatte,

(Piper Verlag: Muenchen 2001), pp. 158-162

 

---------

 

The New York Times

August 6, 2000

 

HEADLINE: A Tale of Two Holocausts

BYLINE:  By Omer Bartov; Omer Bartov's most recent book is "Mirrors of

Destruction: War, Genocide, and Modern Identity."

BODY:

THE HOLOCAUST INDUSTRY

Reflections on the Exploitation

of Jewish Suffering.

By Norman G. Finkelstein.

150 pp. New York:

Verso. $23.

 

NORMAN G. FINKELSTEIN first gained a national reputation with his essay,

"Daniel Jonah Goldhagen's 'Crazy' Thesis," included in the book he wrote

with Ruth Bettina Birn, "A Nation on Trial." Much of the essay was a

brilliant dissection of Goldhagen's book, "Hitler's Willing Executioners."

Its last section, however, revealed Finkelstein undergoing a bizarre

metamorphosis, in which he employed the same dubious rhetoric and faulty

logic he had identified in Goldhagen's work in order to propound his own,

even "crazier," thesis on the dark forces lurking, to his mind, behind his

adversary's success.

 

Now Finkelstein is back, with a vengeance, a lone ranger with a holy

mission -- to unmask an evil Judeo-Zionist conspiracy. The main argument

in "The Holocaust Industry" is based on a simple distinction between two

phenomena: the Nazi Holocaust and "The Holocaust," which he defines as "an

ideological representation of the Nazi holocaust." The author has little

interest in the former, though he readily acknowledges that it happened,

since both his parents survived its horrors and since some of the few

historians he respects, notably Raul Hilberg, have written on it.

 

But in one of those strange inversions that characterize his book,

Finkelstein speaks of the historical event with the same kind of awe, and

demands the same sort of silent incomprehension, that he ascribes to his

main foe, Elie Wiesel. In order "to truly learn from the Nazi holocaust,"

he asserts, "its physical dimension must be reduced and its moral

dimension expanded." Whatever that might mean, it comes as no surprise

that his views about the origins, nature and implications of the genocide

of the Jews are but a series of vague, undocumented and contradictory

assertions. Thus, for instance, in one place he writes that the

"historical evidence for a murderous gentile impulse is nil," and rejects

the notion that there might have been an "abandonment of the Jews" by the

United States government. But in another place he charges that the United

States Holocaust Memorial Museum "mutes the Christian background to

European anti-Semitism" and "downplays the discriminatory U.S. immigration

quotas before the war," and then goes on to cite approvingly David S.

Wyman's book, "The Abandonment of the Jews."

 

But what really interests Finkelstein is "The Holocaust." The gist of his

argument is simple: Had the Jews and the Zionists not had the Holocaust

already, they would have had to invent it. Indeed, for all intents and

purposes, this is precisely what they have done, in the form of "The

Holocaust," despite the distracting fact that, once upon a time, such an

event actually took place. And why was "The Holocaust" fabricated? Because

it legitimizes "one of the world's most formidable military powers,"

Israel, allowing it to "cast itself as a 'victim' state," and because it

provides "the most successful ethnic group in the United States," the

Jews, with "immunity to criticism," leading to "the moral corruptions that

typically attend" such immunity.

 

Finkelstein views himself as innocent of any desire to exploit "The

Holocaust" for his own ends, unlike his apparently countless enemies. The

fact that his sensational "revelations" and outrageous accusations draw a

great deal of public and media attention is no fault of his own. Nor is

his vehement anti-Zionism and seething hatred of what he perceives as a

corrupt Jewish leadership in the United States anything but a reflection

of a reality that only he can perceive through the clouds of mystification

and demagogy that have deceived thousands of lay persons, scholars, and

intellectuals. From his Mount Sinai, everything is clear and obvious. It's

just that his voice is too faint to be heard in the valley.

 

The main culprit, in the world according to Finkelstein, is "the Holocaust

industry," made up of Israeli officials and fat lawyers, Jewish agents

well placed in American political circles and ruthless Zionists determined

to subjugate the Palestinians. Here he combines an old-hat 1960's view of

Israel as the outpost of American imperialism with a novel variation on

the anti-Semitic forgery, "The Protocols of the Elders of Zion," which

warned of a Jewish conspiracy to take over the world. Now, however, the

Jewish conspiracy is intended to "shake down" (his favorite phrase) such

innocent entities as Swiss banks, German corporations and East European

owners of looted Jewish property, all in order to consolidate Jewish power

and influence without giving the real survivors of the genocide anything

but empty rhetoric.

 

Nowhere does Finkelstein mention that the main beneficiaries of

compensation for forced labor will be elderly gentile men and women living

their last days in poverty in Eastern Europe, or that German scholars like

Ulrich Herbert, hardly an employee of "Jewish interests," have been at the

forefront of the struggle to gain compensation from corporations that for

decades refused to admit their enormous gains from slave and forced labor.

 From the author's perspective, this is simply a case of organized

American Jewry "lording it over those least able to defend themselves,"

such as, presumably, the Swiss banks it was "plotting" to boycott, and

"the United States and its allies" from whom it "finagled another $70 million."

 

Thus have the great powers of the world capitulated to what The Times of

London called the "Holocash" campaign in the United States, according to

Finkelstein. He reserves special contempt for the Claims Conference, an

umbrella of Jewish organizations that distributes reparations funds to

survivors, and quotes approvingly the right-wing Israeli Parliament member

Michael Kleiner, who called the conference "a Judenrat, carrying on the

Nazis' work in different ways." Indeed, as Finkelstein says in another

context, les extrmes se touchent: in denouncing the "shakedown" of German

corporations, this left-wing anti-Zionist uses precisely the kind of

rhetoric that Menachem Begin employed when he spoke out against taking

"blood money" during the right-wing riots against the restitution

agreement with West Germany in the early 1950's, which almost toppled the

Israeli government.

 

There is something sad in this warping of intelligence, and in this

perversion of moral indignation. There is also something indecent about

it, something juvenile, self-righteous, arrogant and stupid. As was shown

in Peter Novick's far more balanced (though not entirely satisfactory)

book, "The Holocaust in American Life," the changing perception of the

Nazi genocide of the Jews has also opened the way for a variety of

exploiters and small-time opportunists. Yet to make this into an

international Jewish conspiracy verges on paranoia and would serve

anti-Semites around the world much better than any lawyer's exorbitant

fees for "shaking down" a German industrialist.

 

Finkelstein speaks of the "Holocaust industry" as "cloaking itself in the

sanctimonious mantle of 'needy Holocaust victims.' "Yet he cloaks himself

in that very same mantle, while at the same time showing little sympathy

for the feelings of the survivors and enormous zeal in exposing the

"reckless and ruthless abandon" of the "Holocaust industry," which he

calls "the main fomenter of anti-Semitism in Europe." By its "blackmailing

of Swiss bankers and German industrialists," as well as of "starving

Polish peasants," the "Holocaust industry" seeks endlessly to augment that

pile of gold, or "Holocaust booty," on which Jewish and Zionist leaders

are now allegedly sitting. "The Holocaust," Finkelstein concludes, is

possibly "the greatest robbery in the history of mankind."

 

What I find so striking about "The Holocaust Industry" is that it is

almost an exact copy of the arguments it seeks to expose. It is filled

with precisely the kind of shrill hyperbole that Finkelstein rightly

deplores in much of the current media hype over the Holocaust; it is

brimming with the same indifference to historical facts, inner

contradictions, strident politics and dubious contextualizations; and it

oozes with the same smug sense of moral and intellectual superiority.

 

This book is, in a word, an ideological fanatic's view of other people's

opportunism, by a writer so reckless and ruthless in his attacks that he

is prepared to defend his own enemies, the bastions of Western capitalism,

and to warn that "The Holocaust" will stir up an anti-Semitism whose

significance he otherwise discounts. Like any conspiracy theory, it

contains several grains of truth; and like any such theory, it is both

irrational and insidious. Finkelstein can now be said to have founded a

Holocaust industry of his own.

 

At 12:02 PM 6/15/2006, you wrote:

 

 Dear Professor Dershowitz:

 

 I hope this note finds you well and enjoying your summer.

 

 I write you about the matter of Norman Finkelstein, who comes up for a

 tenure decision this autumn.  To prepare myself, I am investigating your

 charges that he is guilty of various forms of intellectual dishonesty.

 I have contacted Professor Peter Novick to follow up on his indictment

 which you quoted in your letter of November 10, 2005, to Father

 Holtschneider and in the manuscript titled "Literary McCarthyism" which

 you sent me the previous year.  I am contacting you, too, to ask your

 assistance.  Could you point me to the clearest and most egregious

 instances of dishonesty on Finkelstein's part?

 

 Thank you for your assistance in this matter.  If you care to contact me

 via telephone, my office number is 773.325.7338.  During the summer I

 will be working out of my home most of the time; my number there is

 630.264.0773.

 

 Best regards,

 

 Patrick Callahan

 Professor

 Department of Political Science

 DePaul University

 Chicago, IL